Napoleonic Literature
The Memoirs of Baron de Marbot - Volume II
Chapter XV


DURING our stay at Sobral I saw another artifice employed by the English, and one of sufficient importance to be worth noting. It is often said that thoroughbred horses are of no use in war, because their price is so high and they require so much care that it would be almost impossible to provide a squadron, much more a regiment, with them. Nor indeed do the English use them on campaign; but they have a habit of sending single officers, mounted on fast thoroughbreds, to watch the movements of a hostile army. These officers get within the enemy's cantonments, cross his line of march, keep for days on the flanks of his columns, always just out of range, till they can form a clear idea of his number and the direction of his march. After our entry into Portugal, we frequently saw observers of this kind flitting round us. It was vain to give chase to them, even with the best-mounted horsemen. The moment the English officer saw any such approach he would set spurs to his steed, and nimbly clearing ditches, hedges, even brooks, he would make off at such speed that our men soon lost sight of him, and perhaps saw him soon after a league further on, note-book in hand, at the top of some hillock, continuing his observations. This practice, which I never saw anyone employ like the English, and which I tried to imitate during the Russian campaign, might perhaps have saved Napoleon at Waterloo by affording him a warning of the arrival of the Prussians. Anyhow, these English ' runners,' who were the despair of the French general from the moment we left Spain, increased in boldness and cunning as soon as we were in front of Sobral. One could see them come out of the lines and race with the sped of stags through the vines and over the rocks to inspect the positions occupied by our troops.

One day, however, when there had been a little skirmish of outposts, in which we had remained in possession of the ground, a light-infantryman, who had for some time had his eye on the best mounted and boldest of the enemy's 'runners,' and knew his ways, shammed dead, quite sure that as soon as his company was out of the way the Englishman would come back to look at the little battlefield. He did come and was unpleasantly surprised to see the supposed dead man jump up, kill his horse with a musket-shot, and then charge him with the bayonet, summoning him to surrender, which he had no choice but to do. The prisoner, on being presented to Masséna by his captor, turned out to be a member of the highest English nobility, a Percy, descended from one of the most illustrious Norman chiefs, to whom William the Conqueror gave the Duchy of Northumberland, which his offspring still hold. Sir Percy was honourably received by the French commander and taken to Sobral. Being curious to mount the clock tower, in order to observe how our army was posted, he was allowed to do so; and from this lofty point, telescope in hand, he witnessed an amusing sight, at which, in spite of his own bad luck, he could not help laughing: the capture of another English officer. This gentleman, having returned from India after twenty years' absence, and hearing in London that his brother was serving in Portugal, had sailed for Lisbon, and hurried up on foot to the front to greet his brother, whose regiment was on duty. It was a lovely day, and the new corner diverted himself by admiring the beautiful country and studying the fortifications and the troops which occupied them. So intent was he on this, that he walked past the outposts without knowing it, and was between the two armies. Just then he caught sight of some fine figs, and not having tasted European fruit for a long time, took a fancy to climb the tree. While he was quietly regaling himself, the soldiers of a neighbouring French picket, surprised to see a red coat among the branches, came up, and seeing what it was, captured the English officer, amid the laughter of all those who witnessed the incident from afar. This Englishman, however, better advised than Mr. Percy, begged his captors to keep him on the outskirts of the French army hoping, that if he saw nothing of its internal arrangements he might be exchanged. His foresight proved successful; for Masséna, having no fear of his being able to give any information as to the disposition of our troops, sent him back on parole, begging Lord Wellington to exchange against him Captain Letermillier, who had been taken at Coimbra, and afterwards became one of our best colonels. Mr. Percy, who had laughed much at his comrade, on learning that he had been exchanged, requested the same favour; but this was refused, as he had seen too much, and might report it. The unlucky young man followed the French army as a prisoner, and shared its sufferings for six months. On our return to Spain he was transferred to France, where he passed several years.

Unable to obtain any backing from his lieutenants in his proposed attack on the lines, and being short of provisions, Masséna was compelled, on November 14, to retire ten leagues back from the hills and establish his army in a corn-growing district, where positions could be found suitable for defence. He selected the country between the Rio Mayor, the Tagus, and the Zezere, establishing the 2nd corps at Santarem, the 8th at Torres Novas (where also he fixed his headquarters), the 6th at Thomar, the artillery park at Tancos, while the cavalry were at Ourem with their outposts pushed as far as Leiria. Inferring from this movement that the French were in full retreat for Spain, the English followed, but cautiously and at a distance, fearing a trick to draw them out of their lines. When they found that we were halted behind the Rio Mayor they gave us some trouble, but were vigorously met, and judging that want of provisions would soon drive us to leave this district, well adapted for the defensive, they contented themselves with watching us. Lord Wellington's headquarters were fixed at Cartaxo, opposite Santarem, from November 1810 till March 1811 the armies faced each other, separated only by the Rio Mayor. The English, having their food supplies brought by the Tagus from Lisbon, lived in comfort; but the provisioning of our army, having no stores, and being in a contracted space, was a serious problem. Our troops, however, worked with admirable patience and industry, each contributing, like bees in a hive, his share to the common welfare. Workshops were started in every battalion; and each regiment, organising a system of raids on a large scale, sent out detachments, armed and well led who returned driving thousands of donkeys laden with provisions of all kinds, and immense herds of sheep, pigs, and goats, the booty being proportionately divided on its arrival. As the nearer districts became exhausted, the raids had to be pushed further afield, even to the gates of Abrantes and Coimbra; and the attacks of the infuriated peasantry, though always beaten off, caused some loss. Besides these, the foraging parties had a new form of enemy to contend with, resembling in its organization the robber bands of the middle ages.

A French sergeant, wearied of the misery in which the army was living, resolved to decamp and live in comfort. To this end he persuaded about a hundred of the worst characters in the army, and going with them to the rear, took up his quarters in a vast convent, deserted by the monks, but still full of furniture and provisions. He increased his store largely by carrying off everything in the neighbourhood that suited him; well-furnished spits and stewpans were always at the fire, and each man helped himself as he would; and the leader received the expressive if contemptuous name of 'Marshal Stockpot.' The scoundrel had also carried off numbers of women; and being joined before long by the scum of the three armies, attracted by the prospect of unrestrained debauchery, he formed a band of some three hundred British, French, and Portuguese deserters, who lived as a happy family in one unbroken orgy. This brigandage had been going on for some months, when one day, a foraging detachment having gone off in pursuit of a flock as far as the convent which sheltered the so-called 'Marshal Stockpot,' our soldiers were much surprised to see him coming to meet them at the head of the bandits, with orders to respect his grounds and restore the flock which they had just taken there. On the refusal of our officers to comply with this demand, he ordered his men to fire on the detachment. The greater part of the French deserters did not venture to fire on their compatriots and former comrades, but the English and Portuguese obeyed and our people had several men killed or wounded. Not being in sufficient numbers to resist, they were compelled to retreat, accompanied by all the French deserters, who came back with them to offer their submission. Masséna pardoned them on condition that they should march at the head of the three battalions who were told off to attack the convent. That den having been carried after a brief resistance, Masséna had 'Marshal Stockpot' shot, as well as the few French who had remained with him. A good many English and Portuguese shared their fate, the rest were sent off to Wellington, who did prompt justice on them.

Early in November, Masséna had sent General Foy to report his position to the Emperor: three battalions being required to escort him in safety to the Spanish frontier. Meanwhile, not knowing when the expected reinforcements might arrive he feared that the English army might cross the Rio Mayor, and make an unexpected attack on our divisions at a time when every regiment had detached at least a third of its men to search for provisions. If the enemy had arrived in the middle of our cantonments while so many soldiers were away, a catastrophe would certainly have followed; and the dispersed troops would have been liable to be beaten in detail before they could reassemble. Luckily for us, however, Lord Wellington based all his plans on lapse of time, and did not venture upon any enterprise.

Meanwhile the Emperor, whose only news of Masséna's army had so far been obtained from the London newspapers, having at length received the despatches brought by Genera Foy, ordered the Count of Erlon, commanding the 9th corps,' cantoned near Salamanca, to march upon Portugal, and to send Gardanne's brigade forward at once with instructions to find the French army, and take it the ammunition and the draught horses of which it presumably stood in need. With all the Emperor's perspicacity it was impossible for him at Paris to judge of the numerous difficulties which would hamper Gardanne in carrying out his orders. Napoleon could never believe that the flight of Portuguese occupants at the approach of a French corps had been so universal that it was impossible to come across an inhabitant from whom one could receive the slightest information. This, however, was what befel Gardanne. A former page of Louis XVI., whom the Emperor had made governor to his pages, he was lacking in initiative, and only did well under the direction of an able general. Now he completely lost his bearings. Not knowing where to find Masséna's army, he wandered in all directions, and when he at length reached Cardigos, a day's march, as his maps showed, from the Zezere, he did not realise that in war a flying column in search of a friendly force should always steer itself by rivers, forests, large towns, and mountain chains, for if the troops whom he has to reach are anywhere near, they will certainly have pickets at these important points. It is hard to understand why Gardanne forgot this rule of the craft, but he actually lost a good many men by a precipitate retreat without having seen the enemy. If he had but pushed on three leagues to the Zezere he would have seen our outposts, as it was he returned to Spain taking back reinforcements, ammunition, and horses.

Masséna began to fear lest provisions might run short on the right bank of the Tagus, and resolved to tap a new country by throwing a portion of his army across the river into the fertile province of the Alemtejo. To this end he ordered a division to cross the Zezere and occupy Punhete, a small town at the point where that river flows into the Tagus. This seemed a good point to establish a bridge, but materials were lacking. Everything was, however, supplied by the zeal and activity of General Eblé, well supported by his subordinate artillery officers. Forges and saw-mills were built; tools, planks, beams, anchors and ropes manufactured, numerous boats were constructed, and the work progressing as it were by magic, we conceived the hope of being able to cast a solid bridge over the Tagus. Lord Wellington prepared to oppose the crossing of the river, bringing troops up from Lisbon to form a camp on the left bank opposite Punhete: whence we augured that before we could establish ourselves on the further side of the great river we should have to sustain a hot engagement. All this while the French army was occupying the positions which it had taken up in November. Several English divisions were encamped on the right bank of the Rio Mayor, Lord Wellington's headquarters being at Cartaxo. There died the celebrated General La Romana.

The weather was fearful; the roads had become torrents, and the difficulty of seeking provisions, and especially forage, was much increased. Yet our French gaiety did not desert us. In every camp societies were got up for theatricals, and the houses deserted by the inhabitants supplied us with plenty of costumes in the wardrobes which the Portuguese ladies had left behind. We found also plenty of French books; our quarters were comfortable, and we continued to pass the winter pretty well. Our reflections were, however, often sad, both as to the situation of the army, and our own position. For three months we had had no news from our families, from France, even from Spain. Would the Emperor send us reinforcements sufficient to take Lisbon, or should we be compelled to retreat before the English? Our minds were full of these thoughts, when on December 27 it was suddenly reported that General Drouet, Count of Erlon, had just joined the army with the 9th corps, 25,000 to 30,000 strong. But our satisfaction was much reduced on finding that the Count of Erlon's army had never contained more than 12,000 men: half of whom he had left on the Spanish frontier under General Claparède, bringing with him only Cornoux's division, 6,000 strong, a reinforcement quite inadequate to meet the English and take Lisbon. Instead of going at once to the commander-in-chief at Torres Novas, the Count of Erlon stopped ten leagues short of it at Thomar, Ney's headquarters. This was a great blow to Masséna, and he sent me to the commander of the 9th corps to ask for an explanation of a course as much opposed to politeness as to military regulations. When he gave me this commission he had no doubt that the Count of Erlon had been placed by the Emperor under his orders, but there he was wrong. The instructions given by the chief of the staff to the commander of the 9th corps were only to enter Portugal, find Masséna's army, hand over to him some hundreds of draught horses with ammunition, and then to return to Spain with his troops. It is hard to understand how, after the reports which the Emperor had received from Foy and Casabianca as to the bad plight of the army, he could have limited himself to sending such weak support.

I found that the Count of Erlon had been lodging with Ney twenty-four hours. The marshal, who was anxious to get away from Portugal, had detained his guest in order that the influence of the commander-in-chief might not induce him to put their 6,000 men at his disposal, and thus enable him to resist the proposal to retreat. The Count was therefore making ready to depart next day, without visiting Masséna; to whom he begged me to make his excuses on the plea that important business called him back to the frontier.

An aide-de-camp's duties are pretty difficult, since in performing them he often has to convey instructions to his superiors which may wound their self-esteem. Sometimes in the interests of the service he has on his own responsibility to act as interpreter of his general's wishes by giving in his name orders which he has not dictated. This is a serious—even a dangerous matter; but the tact of the aide de-camp must enable him to judge of the circumstances. My position was as delicate as it well could be, for Masséna, not having foreseen that the commander of the 9th corps might wish to leave Portugal, had put nothing in writing on the subject. Still, if he did take away his troops the operations of the army would be paralyzed, and the commander-in-chief would blame the caution which had made me shrink from speaking in his name. I took, therefore, a bold resolve; and although I had never met the Count of Erlon (Ney being present the while, and strongly opposing my arguments), I took the liberty of saying that at least he ought to give Marshal Masséna time to consider the orders which he had brought from the chief of the staff, as well as time to reply to them. Finally, when the count had repeated that he could not wait, I struck my great stroke by saying: 'Since your Excellency forces me to fulfil my errand to the last word, I have to inform you that Marshal Masséna, Commander-in-Chief of the French forces in Portugal, has directed me to convey to you both in his own name and that of the Emperor, a formal order not to move your troops, but to report yourself to him to-day at Torres Novas.' The count made no reply but ordered his horses. While they were being got ready, I wrote to Masséna telling him what I had been obliged to do in his name; and I learnt later on that he approved. (A passage relating to my mission to the Count of Erlon may be found at p. 286 of the eighth volume of General Koch's 'Memoirs of Masséna;' but the scene I have mentioned is not fully reported.) The Count of Erlon was a gentle and reasonable man. As soon as he had left Ney's camp he admitted that it would not have been proper for him to leave the Army of Portugal without calling on the commander-in-chief; and all the way from Thomar to Torres Novas he treated me with much kindness, in spite of the vigour with which I had thought myself bound to appeal to him. No doubt his interview with Masséna finally convinced him, for he agreed to remain in Portugal and his troops were sent into quarters at Leyria. Masséna's gratitude for the firmness and readiness which I had shown was increased a few days later when he learnt that Lord Wellington had formed a plan of attacking our camp, and had been checked by the arrival of the Count of Erlon; while, if the reinforcement had been withdrawn, the English would have marched on us, and profited by our extended line to crush us with superior numbers.


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