The capture of Bagration's corps would have had immense results for Napoleon, and his anger against King Jerome for having let him escape was terrible. He ordered him to leave the army on the spot and return to Westphalia. This severe if unavoidable measure produced in the army an effect unfavourable to King Jerome; but was he really most to blame? His chief fault was having thought that his dignity as sovereign was inconsistent with taking instructions from a marshal; but the Emperor, who knew quite well that the young prince had never in his life set a battalion in the field, nor taken part in the very smallest action, was surely to blame for allowing him to make his start with an army of 60,000 men, and that in such serious circumstances. General Junot replaced Jerome, and it was not long before he too committed an irreparable blunder.

About this time the Emperor of Russia sent to Napoleon, who was still at Wilna, one of his Ministers, Count Balakhoff. The object of this interview has never been known. Some persons supposed that there was talk of an armistice; but they were quickly undeceived by Count Balakhoff's departure, and it was soon known that the English party, which was very influential in the Russian court and army, had taken offence at his mission. Dreading lest any personal intercourse should take place between Alexander and Napoleon, they required that the Emperor of Russia should leave the army and return to St. Petersburg. Alexander agreed to this, but insisted on taking his brother Constantine with him. The Russian generals, when left to themselves and influenced by Wilson, 1only thought of giving the war such a ferocious character as might terrify the French. With this view they ordered their troops to make a desert behind them by burning houses and everything which they could not carry away.

On July 15 the columns under Murat, Ney, Montbrun, Nansouty, and Oudinot had reached the Dwina. The last-named, probably misunderstanding the Emperor's orders, made an erratic march, and, descending the Dwina by the left bank, while Wittgenstein's corps was going up it on the opposite side, he appeared before the town of Dunaborg. The fortifications were old and bad, and he hoped to carry the bridge, cross the river, and attack Wittgenstein in rear. But Wittgenstein on leaving Dunaborg had left there a strong garrison, with plenty of artillery. My regiment was, as usual, with the advanced guard, which Oudinot was that day leading in person. Dunaborg stands on the right bank, and as we came up on the left bank we found it defended by a considerable work which acts as a tête de pont to the bridge, which connects the place itself with its outworks beyond the river, here very broad. A quarter of a league from the fortifications, on which Oudinot averred that there were no guns, I espied a Russian battalion, with its left resting on the river and its front covered by the huts of an abandoned camp— a position in which it was very difficult to get at the enemy. The marshal, however, told me to attack them; and, leaving the task of avoiding the huts and passing through the intervals between them to the intelligence of my officers, I gave the word to charge. But hardly had the regiment advanced a few paces, amid a hail of bullets from the Russian infantry, when the artillery, whose existence the marshal had denied began to thunder from the fortifications. So close were we that the shrapnel passed over our heads before it had time to burst. One of the few round-shot which came with it passed through a fisherman's house, and broke the leg of one of my best trumpeters, who was sounding the charge beside me. I lost several men at this point.

Marshal Oudinot, who had made the serious mistake of attacking a camp of huts protected by cannon and musketry: hoped to dislodge the enemy's infantry by sending a Portuguese battalion against them; but these foreigners, old prisoners of war who had been enlisted in France rather unwillingly, did not face the fire with any energy, and we were still exposed. Seeing that Oudinot was maintaining his position under the enemy's bullets bravely enough, but without giving any orders, I saw that if this state of things lasted a few minutes longer my regiment would be destroyed. So I ordered my chasseurs to open out and charge the Russian infantry in loose order, which had the advantage both of making them give way and of stopping the artillery fire, the gunners being afraid of hitting their own men. Under the sabres of my troopers the defenders of the camp fled in disorder towards the tête de pont, but the garrison entrusted with the defence of that work consisted of newly enlisted soldiers, who, fearing to see us enter with their comrades, closed the gates in a hurry compelling the fugitives to make for the bridge of boats in order to reach the other bank and take shelter in the town. This bridge had no rail, the boats were unsteady, the river wide and deep, and on the other side I saw the garrison making ready to close the gates. To advance further seemed to me madness, so, thinking that the regiment had done enough, I halted it. Just then the marshal came up, crying 'Brave 23rd! do as you did at Wilkomir cross the bridge: force the gates, and capture the town.' In vain did General Laurencez try to make him see that the difficulty here was much greater, and that a cavalry regiment could not attack a fortress, however badly guarded, if to get there it had to cross a bad bridge of boats two abreast. The marshal was obstinate. He said they would profit by the enemy's disorder and fright, and ordered me afresh to march on the town. I obeyed; but I had scarcely reached the first compartment of the bridge with my leading section, at the head of which I had felt bound in honour to place myself, when the garrison, having succeeded in closing the gate towards the river, appeared on the top of the ramparts and opened fire upon us. The narrow front which we presented offering but a small mark to unpractised soldiers, the fire caused us much less loss than I should have expected. But when the defenders of the tête de pont heard the fortress firing on us they recovered from their scare and began themselves to take a hand in the game. Seeing the 23rd thus placed between two fires, and unable to advance beyond the near end of the shaky bridge, Marshal Oudinot sent me the order to retire. The wide spaces which I had left between my sections allowed them to wheel around without too much disorder, yet two men and their horses fell into the river and were drowned. To regain the left bank we had to pass again under the ramparts of the tete de pont, and were again received with a rolling fire which, very fortunately, proceeded from unskilful militiamen. If we had had to do with soldiers well accustomed to musketry practice the regiment must have been exterminated. As it was, this unlucky engagement, so imprudently brought about, cost us some thirty men killed and many wounded. One might at least have hoped that the marshal would rest content with this fruitless attempt, especially when, as I said before, he had no instructions from the Emperor to take Dunaborg; but when his infantry came up he ordered a fresh attack upon the tête de pont. The enemy had had time to strengthen the garrison of this, troops having hastened up from their cantonments at the sound of the cannon, and our men were repulsed with far heavier loss than the 23rd Chasseurs had suffered. Marshal Oudinot was blamed by the Emperor for this useless attempt.

My regiment was brigaded, as you know, with the 24th. General Castex had from the first day of the brigade's formation made an admirable arrangement of duty. Each of the two regiments, in turns of twenty-four hours, acted as advanced guard when we were going towards the enemy, and as rear-guard in retreating, supplied pickets, reconnoitring parties, and so forth; while the other, following easily, rested from the fatigues of the previous day and made ready for those of the morrow, being at the same time always ready to support its fellow if that had to do with a superior force. By this system the soldiers were never separated from their comrades and their own officers, nor mixed up with those of the other regiment. In the night one half of the brigade slept while the other mounted guard. Of course everything has its inconveniences, and it might happen that one regiment should chance to be more often for duty on days when serious engagements took place, as was the case with the 23rd at Wilkomir and Dunaborg. Indeed this was its luck throughout most of the campaign; but it did not complain. It always came off with honour, and frequently was envied by the 24th, which got fewer opportunities of distinguishing itself.

Meanwhile Ney's corps, as well as Murat's immense cavalry reserve, were going up by the left bank of the Dwina towards Polotsk, Wittgenstein's army taking the same direction by the right bank. Having thus the river between them and the enemy, our troopers kept a bad look-out, and, as the French habit is, bivouacked every night much too near the river bank. Wittgenstein, observing this, let Ney's infantry and most of Montbrun's cavalry pass on. Sebastiani's division brought up the rear of the column, its rear-guard being formed by the brigade under Saint-Geniès, formerly an officer in the Army of Egypt, a brave man but not very capable. Having reached a point opposite the little town of Druia, Saint-Geniès, by Sebastiani's orders, fixed his bivouac two hundred yards from the river, believing it impassable except by boat. But Wittgenstein knew of a practicable ford; and under cover of night passed a cavalry division across the stream. Falling on the French army, this carried off nearly the whole of Saint-Geniès' brigade, took the general prisoner, and forced Sebastiani to withdraw on Montbrun's corps promptly with the rest of his division. After this smart stroke Wittgenstein recalled his troops to the right bank and marched on up the Dwina. The affair did much discredit to Sebastiani, and brought him a reprimand from the Emperor.

Not long after this untoward event Oudinot received orders to go up the Dwina and rejoin Ney and Montbrun. His corps, taking the same route which the others had taken, came past the town of Druia. The marshal's plan was to encamp three leagues further on; but, fearing that the enemy might take advantage of the ford to attack his large baggage train, he decided that while he with the army moved on a regiment of Castex's brigade should pass the night, with orders to watch the ford, on the ground where Saint-Geniès had been surprised. My regiment was for duty that day, and the dangerous task of remaining opposite Dwina alone fell it. I knew that most of Wittgenstein's army had gone up the river; but I could see that he had left near the ford two strong cavalry regiments—more than would be needed to beat me.

Even if I had wished to carry out literally the order to fix my bivouac on the same spot as Saint- Geniès had occupied two days before, it would have been impossible for me to do so, the ground being strewn with more than 200 decomposing bodies. But, in addition to this, I had another reason hardly less powerful. All my military experience had convinced me that the best means of defending a river against the attack of an enemy who does not wish to establish himself on your side of it is to keep the bulk of your force at some distance from the stream; first, in order to have timely warning of the enemy's passage; and secondly, because, his purpose being only to strike suddenly and then retire quickly he will not dare to go far from the bank by which his retreat is secured. So I established my regiment half a league from the Dwina, in a field where the ground was slightly undulating. I had left only a few double vedettes on the river-bank for I am convinced that, when it is only a question of watching, two men see just as well as a strong picket. Several lines of horsemen were posted between the vedettes and our bivouac, serving like the threads of a spider's web to bring me rapid intelligence of whatever passed on the ground which I had to watch. Furthermore, I had forbidden all fire, even pipe-lights, and enjoined perfect silence. In Russia July nights are very short; however, this appeared to me very long, apprehensive as I was of being attacked in the darkness by a force stronger than my own. Half the men were in the saddle, the rest feeding their horses and ready to mount at the first signal. Everything appeared quiet on the opposite bank when Lorenz, my Polish servant, who spoke Russian perfectly, came and told me that he had heard an old Jewess in a neighbouring house say to another woman: ‘The lantern is lighted on the tower of Morki: they are going to attack.' I sent for the women and questioned them through Lorenz, when they replied that, as they feared to see their hamlet become a battlefield, they had been alarmed at seeing the same light shining from the church of the village off Morki, on the Opposite bank, which two nights before had been the signal for the Russian troops to cross the ford and charge upon the French camp. Although I was prepared for anything, this information was very useful to me. In an instant the regiment was mounted, swords were drawn and the word was passed, in a low voice, for the vedettes on the river-bank and the troopers who were posted across the plain to fall in. Two of the bravest non-commissioned officers, Prud'homme and Graft, went with Lieutenant Bertin to watch the movements of the enemy. In a few moments he came back, announcing that a column of Russian cavalry was crossing the ford, that several squadrons were already on the bank, but that, surprised not to find our camp in the old place, they had halted, doubtless fearing to go too far from the ford. However, they had made up their minds, and were coming on at a walk, being by this time at no great distance from us. Instantly I ordered an immense hayrick and several barns to be set on fire; the flames lighted up the whole country, and I could plainly see the enemy's column, consisting of the Grodno Hussars. I had with me 1,000 brave troopers. With cries of 'Vive l'Empereur!' we galloped upon the Russians, who, surprised at so brisk and unexpected an attack, turned round and fled in disorder, sabred by the chasseurs, towards the ford over which they had come. There they found themselves face to face with a dragoon regiment, which, being brigaded with them, had followed them, and was only just coming out of the river. From the shock and confusion of the two regiments there resulted a fearful disorder, of which my men took advantage to kill a great number of the enemy and capture many horses. The Russians threw themselves in headlong tumult into the ford, and as, in order to escape the shots which my chasseurs were firing from the bank into the distracted crowd, they wanted all to cross at once, a good many were drowned. Our sudden attack in the plain had so astounded the enemy, who expected to catch us asleep, that not one stood on the defensive, but all fled without fighting; so that I had the pleasure of returning to my bivouac without having to lament the loss of one of my men. The dawning day lighted up our battlefield, where lay several hundred of the enemy, killed or wounded. I left them to the care of the inhabitants of the hamlet near which I had passed the night, and went on my way, rejoining Oudinot's corps that same evening. The marshal gave me a good reception, and complimented the regiment on its fine performance.

In three days the 2nd corps came opposite Polotsk. There we learnt that the Emperor had at last left Wilna after twenty days' stay, and was going towards Witebsk. On moving from Wilna the Emperor left the Duke of Bassano there in the capacity of governor of Lithuania, and General Hogendorf as military commander. Neither of these two officials was fitted to organize the communications of an army; for the Duke of Bassano, an old diplomat and careful secretary, knew nothing of administration; while Hogendorf, a Dutchman, who could hardly speak our language, and had no idea of our military customs and regulations, could not get on with the French who passed through Wilna, or with the local nobility. Thus the wealth of Lithuania was of no assistance to our troops.

Polotsk, on the right bank of the Dwina, consists of wooden houses, and is commanded by a magnificent college, kept at that time by Jesuits, who were nearly all Frenchmen. It is surrounded with earthworks, and sustained a siege in the wars of Charles XII. The corps of Ney, Murat, and Montbrun, on their way from Drissa to Witebsk, had thrown a bridge of boats across the Dwina, opposite Polotsk, which they left for Oudinot's corps. Our destination was the St. Petersburg road, for at this point the 2nd corps took a direction different from that of the Grand Army; nor did we meet it again until the following winter at the passage of the Beresina.

It would take volumes to recount the manœuvres and combats of that part of the army which followed the Emperor to Moscow, so I shall confine myself to mentioning it most important events as I come to them. On July 25 there was an action near Ostrowno, very favourable to our infantry; but several cavalry regiments were brought into action by Murat too precipitately, among them the 16th Chasseurs. My brother, who was a major in that regiment, was captured and taken far beyond Moscow, to Sataroff, on the Volga, where he found Colonel Saint-Mars and Octave de Ségur. They helped each other mutually to support their wearisome captivity. My brother was already used to it for he had passed several years in Spanish prisons and hulks. Our fortunes in war were very different; Adolphe, thrice taken prisoner, was never wounded; whereas I was wounded very often, but never captured.

While the Emperor, in possession of Wilna, was unsuccessfully manœuvring to force the Russian army to a decisive battle, Oudinot's corps, after crossing the Dwina at Polotsk, sat down before that town, having in front of it General Wittgenstein's troops, forming the enemy's right wing. Before recounting the incidents which took place on the banks of the Dwina I ought to say something of the composition of the 2nd corps. Marshal Oudinot had at first under his orders only 44,000 men, distributed among three infantry divisions, whose commanders were Generals Legrand, Verdier, and Merle, all three excellent officers, especially the first. Among the generals of brigade, Albert and Maison were conspicuous. The cavalry consisted of a superb division of cuirassiers and lancers, commanded by General Dumerc, a somewhat commonplace officer, having under him the brave Major-General Berckheim. There were also two brigades of light cavalry; the first, composed of the 23rd and 24th Chasseurs, was commanded by General Cartex, an excellent soldier in all respects; the second, formed by the 7th and 20th Chasseurs and the 8th Polish Lancers, were under General Corbineau, a brave but indolent man. These two brigades were not formed into a division; the marshal attached them as they were wanted, now to the infantry divisions, now to the advanced or to the rear guard—a system which had great advantages.

The 24th Chasseurs, with which my regiment was brigaded, was excellently constituted, and might have done great service if there had been a bond of sympathy between the soldiers and their commander. Unluckily, Colonel A— was very harsh towards his subordinates, who, at their side, were not well disposed towards him. This state of things decided General Castex to march and camp with the 23rd, and to mess with me, although he had served in the 24th. Colonel A— , tall, active, always perfectly mounted, generally showed well in hand-to-hand combats, but was reputed to be less fond of musketry and artillery. With all his faults, the Emperor appreciated in him one quality, which he possessed in the highest degree: he was undoubtedly the best light cavalry officer in any European army. A finer tact or equal judgment in exploring a country with a glance was never seen. Before traversing a district he divined the obstacles which maps did not show, foresaw the points where streams, roads, or the smallest paths must come out, and could draw from the enemy's movements inferences which nearly always came true. Both in the details and in the general conception of war, he was a most remarkable officer. The Emperor, who in former campaigns had frequently employed him on reconnoissances, had brought him under the notice of Marshal Oudinot, by whom he was often called to counsel; the result of this being that many tasks and dangerous duties perforce fell to the share of my regiment.